2008年12月31日星期三

《Economis》:Tintin ,A very European hero

A Tintin blockbuster is on the way. Baffled Americans hoping to understand him should look at him through the prism of post-war Europe

Moulinsart-Studios Herge

IT IS one of Europe's more startling laws. In 1949 France banned children's books and comic strips from presenting cowardice in a "favourable" light, on pain of up to a year in prison for errant publishers. It was equally forbidden to make laziness or lying seem attractive. The law created an oversight committee to watch for positive depictions of these ills, along with crime, theft, hatred, debauchery and acts "liable to undermine morality" among the young.

Taken literally, the law suggests that an ideal comic-book hero would resemble an overgrown boy scout, whose adventures involve pluck, fair play, restrained violence and no sex. That is a pretty accurate description of Tintin, the Belgian boy reporter who enjoyed spectacular success in post-war Europe.

Tintin's slightly priggish character fitted the times. His simple ethical code―seek the truth, protect the weak and stand up to bullies―appealed to a continent waking up from the shame of war. His wholesome qualities help explain the great secret of his commercial success―that he was, and remains, one of the rare comic books that adults are happy to buy for children.

But probity cannot explain why Tintin became a cultural landmark in Europe, as important on his side of the Atlantic as Superman on the other. There were plenty of wholesome comics in post-war Europe, most of them justly forgotten. Something else in Tintin spoke to children and adults in continental Europe. Even in the straitened years of post-war reconstruction, he was soon selling millions of books a year.

Admirers point to the quality of the drawing in Tintin, and the tense pacing of the plots, and they are right. Any child reared on "King Ottokar's Sceptre", a Balkan thriller; or "The Calculus Affair", about a scientist's kidnap, will later feel a shock of familiarity when watching Hitchcock films or reading Graham Greene. It is all there: the dangerous glamour of cities at night; the terror of a forced drive into the forest; a world of tapped hotel telephones and chain-smoking killers in the lobby downstairs.

Yet even excellence does not explain Tintin's success in Europe. For, despite his qualities, Tintin has never been a big hit in the Anglo-Saxon world. In Britain, he is reasonably well known, but as a minority taste, bound within narrow striations of class: his albums are bought to be tucked into boarding school trunks or read after Saturday morning violin lessons. In America, Tintin is barely known.

All societies reveal themselves through their children's books. Europe's love affair with Tintin is more revealing than most.

Any exploration of Tintin's hold on continental affections must start not with culture, but with history. For all the talk about morality, France's 1949 law on children's books had ideological roots. It was pushed by an odd alliance of Communists, Catholic conservatives and jobless French cartoonists, determined that French children should be reading works imbued with "national" values. Pascal Ory, a historian at the Sorbonne university (author of "Mickey Go Home. The de-Americanisation of the cartoon strip"), writes that the main aim of the law―which, remarkably, remains in force today, tweaked in the 1950s to add a ban on incitement of ethnic prejudice―was to block comics from America.

The question of the transatlantic gap remains current. The coming year is a big one for Tintin. In 2009 it will be 80 years since the boy reporter embarked on his first adventure, a trip to the Soviet Union. In Belgium a museum is to open, dedicated to the work of Hergé, Tintin's creator, whose real name was Georges Remi. (His initials, when reversed, are pronounced Hergé in French.) Even under construction, the museum is impressive: a soaring structure of concrete and glass, wrapped around a large wooden form like the hull of an upturned ship. The seriousness of the architecture carries a message. This is not a theme park, but a gallery for high art. That is an uncontroversial view in continental Europe, especially in Belgium and France, where cartoon strips are reviewed in critical essays and dissected in academic theses.

In America filming is supposed to begin in earnest on a trilogy of Tintin films to be directed by Steven Spielberg and Peter Jackson, using digital "performance capture" technology to create a hybrid between animation and live action. Mr Spielberg secured an option to film Tintin shortly before Hergé's death in 1983. The delays seem to have been caused partly by American puzzlement at Tintin. In September 2008 Universal Pictures pulled out of a plan to co-finance the project. The Hollywood Reporter, a trade publication, describes the films as being about "a young Belgian reporter and world traveller who is aided in his adventures by his faithful dog Snowy", and explains that this storyline is "hugely popular in Europe". You can almost hear the baffled shrugs.

Moulinsart-Studios Herge

As a journalist, Tintin is spectacularly unproductive, even by the idle standards of his trade. In all 24 albums he pauses perhaps twice to jot down a note. He happily gives rival reporters the details of his latest scoop. Only once is he seen with a completed article, on his inaugural 1929 trip to the Soviet Union. He briefly ponders how to get the manuscript to his office, before yawning and heading for bed, declaring: "Oh well, we'll think about that tomorrow." Four frames later, secret policemen are climbing the stairs to arrest him, and the article is never mentioned again.

Unlike another fictional adolescent with a media job―the American comic character Spiderman (portrayed as a freelance photographer in civilian life)―Tintin is not an outsider, or a rebel against the established order. He defends monarchs against revolutionaries (earning a knighthood in one book). His first instinct on catching a villain is to hand him over to the nearest police chief. He does not carry his own gun, though he shoots like an ace. Though slight, he has a very gentlemanly set of fighting skills: he knows how to box, how to sail, to drive racing cars, pilot planes and ride horses. He has few chances to rescue girls or women, moving in an almost entirely male, sexless world, but is quick to defend small boys from unearned beatings. His quick wits compensate for his lack of brawn. André Malraux, a French writer and politician, claimed that General de Gaulle called Tintin his "only international rival", because both were famous for standing up to bullies.

Tintin is grandly uninterested in money. He is indifferent when―on occasion―he is offered large sums for accounts of catching some villain. Hergé's disdain for transatlantic capitalism is portrayed in the 1931 "Tintin in America", in which businessmen bid each other up to offer Tintin $100,000 for an oil well. When the young reporter explains the well is on Blackfoot Indian land, the businessmen steal the land from the Indians.

European snobbery about money permeates the books. Villains are frequently showy arrivistes. Old money is good. A gift (as opposed to gainful employment) allows his best friend, Captain Haddock, to buy back his family's ancestral mansion. The captain takes to castle life with relish. Enriched by a treasure find, he swaps his seaman's uniform for an increasingly Wodehousian wardrobe involving cravats, tweeds and at one point a monocle.

Hergé did not share his creation's lack of interest in money. He paid minute attention to marketing (in total, some 200m albums have been sold) and the production of puzzles, colouring books and toys. Though Hergé is routinely voted onto lists of "10 famous Belgians", he had no illusions about his homeland's limitations as a market. He quickly began excising references to Tintin's Belgian roots to boost his appeal on the French and Swiss markets, referring to him in 1935 as a "young European reporter". He was happy for English-language editions to leave the impression that Tintin was British. Captain Haddock's ancestral mansion changed from the Chateau de Moulinsart into Marlinspike Hall, and his most illustrious ancestor became a hero of the British royal navy, rather than a commander in the fleet of Louis XIV.

Assuming that Tintin does end up the subject of a Hollywood blockbuster, many around the world will soon think he is American. Hergé's heirs know Tintin's fame will take on quite different, global dimensions, in a way that will be hard to control. That will mark a big change.

After Hergé's death, his wife Fanny inherited the rights to his work. She remains in overall artistic control of the Hergé Studios in Brussels (day to day the studios are run by Fanny's second husband, Nick Rodwell, a British businessman). The studios are known for the ferocity with which they guard the works, scouring the world for abuses of copyright from Hergé's old offices on a smart shopping avenue.

Mrs Rodwell confesses to seeing risks in Hollywood doing Tintin. To her, the charm of Hergé's work is absolutely "European"―more "nuanced" than an American comic strip. The American style of telling a story threatens that European "sensibility", she suggests: American narratives are "very dynamic, but more violent, and are much more aggressively paced."

Hergé wanted the risk taken. He died days before a planned face-to-face meeting with Mr Spielberg, but had been briefed on the director's thinking by a trusted assistant, Alain Baran, sent to Los Angeles to open negotiations. Mr Baran later wrote that Mr Spielberg saw Tintin as an "Indiana Jones for kids", imagining Jack Nicholson as Captain Haddock. Such talk did not alarm Hergé. He said a film-maker like Mr Spielberg should be given free rein, and told his wife: "This Tintin will doubtless be different, but it will be a good Tintin."

Such artistic openness is perhaps surprising, given where Hergé began his career. He always said the Catholic boy-scout movement rescued him from a "grey" childhood in lower middle-class Brussels. From there, he fell in with a slightly hysterical clutch of hard-right priests and nationalists, one of whom gave him his first job, on a small Belgian Catholic newspaper, the Vingtième Siècle, which fervently supported the monarchy, Belgian missionaries in the Congo and Mussolini and loathed the Bolshevik atheists running Russia and "Judeo-American" capitalism.

Tintin was born in this unpromising environment, in a weekly children's supplement, Le Petit Vingtième. Hergé wanted to draw cartoons about the Wild West of America. His employer, an alarming priest named Norbert Wallez, had other ideas, ordering that the new fictional reporter be sent to the Soviet Union, then to Belgium's colony in the Congo.

The 1930 story "Tintin in the Congo" has done much to feed Hergé's reputation for racism. Its Africans are crude caricatures: child-men with wide eyes and bloated lips who prostrate themselves before Tintin (as well as Snowy his dog), after he shows off such magic as an electromagnet, or quinine pills for malaria.

Moulinsart-Studios Herge

In Scandinavia the staggering toll of African wildlife Tintin kills―especially a rhinoceros he reduces to blackened chunks with dynamite―has prompted additional angst. The book remains popular in Africa, Hergé defenders like to assert. But, in truth, it has lost any charm it ever possessed. It is a work of propaganda―not for "colonialism", as is often said―but more narrowly for Belgian missionaries, one of whom keeps saving Tintin's life in evermore ludicrous ways: first dispatching a half dozen crocodiles with a rifle then rescuing him from a roaring waterfall, seemingly unhindered by his advanced age and ankle-length soutane.

Hergé's reputation is also marked by charges of anti-Semitism. He received many complaints about one of his villains, the hook-nosed New York financier, "Mr Blumenstein". It does not help that this caricature appeared in "The Shooting Star", an adventure written in 1941 while living in Brussels under Nazi occupation. In the field of devout Tintinologists, much effort has been put to explaining this "lapse" away. Michael Farr, a British expert on Tintin, is typical, writing in 2001 that as soon as Hergé realised that his character was "liable to misunderstanding", he gave Blumenstein a different name and a new nationality, having him hail from "São Rico".

Tintinologists have a ready explanation too for another lapse: the fact that Hergé spent the war working for Le Soir, a Belgian newspaper seized by the German occupiers and turned into a propaganda organ. This is usually explained by Hergé's "naivety", as an author of children's comics (a defence also used for P.G. Wodehouse).

Alas, none of those arguments survive a reading of a biography of Hergé by Philippe Goddin, published in 2007. Mr Goddin's honesty is commendable: his is an official biography, based on Hergé's large collection of private papers.

Mr Goddin returns to "The Shooting Star", and its initial newspaper serialisation in Le Soir. This included a strip about the panic unleashed when it seemed a giant meteorite would hit the earth. In one frame, he writes, Hergé drew two Jews rejoicing that if the world ended, they would not have to pay back their creditors. At that same moment in Belgium, Mr Goddin notes, Jews were being ordered to move to the country's largest cities and remove their children from ordinary schools. They were also banned from owning radios, and were subject to a curfew. In the news pages of Le Soir, these measures were described as indispensable preparations for an orderly "emigration" of Jews. A year later, Hergé deleted the drawing of the Jews of his own accord, when the serialised "The Shooting Star" became an album.

Mr Goddin demolishes the excuse of naivety, thanks to papers found in Hergé's files. As early as October 1940, he records, Hergé received an anonymous letter accusing him of luring Belgian children to read German propaganda, by publishing Tintin in Le Soir's youth supplement. A few months later, Hergé had a bitter argument with an old friend, Philippe Gérard. In a letter, Gérard demanded Hergé either endorse the "odious propaganda" of Le Soir or make his disagreement with the German occupation known. Saying it was just "a job" would not do, his friend concluded.

By way of reply, Hergé offered a defence of neutrality. "I am neither pro-German, nor pro-British," he wrote back. "As I can do absolutely nothing to hasten the victory of either England or Germany, I watch, I observe and I chew things over. Calmly and without passion." His aim was to remain an "honest man", Hergé wrote, which did not mean shouting "Heil Hitler" or volunteering for the Waffen SS. Some said German occupiers were pillaging Belgium. An honest man had to acknowledge this was not true.

There is a link between Hergé, this disappointing man, and his creation Tintin, who fights against despots so bravely. It lies in the rationalisation of impotence: a very European preoccupation.

The key to Tintin is that he has the mindset of "someone born in a small country", says Charles Dierick, in-house historian at the Hergé Studios. He is "the clever little guy who outsmarts big bullies". And as a little guy, even a clever one, Tintin's bravery works within limits: he rescues friends, and foils plots. But when he finds himself in Japanese-controlled Shanghai, in "The Blue Lotus", he can do nothing to end the broader problem of foreign occupation.

Hergé's final complete adventure, the 1976 "Tintin and the Picaros", offers the clearest expression of this doctrine of neutrality. Tintin finds himself summoned to rescue old friends from a civil war between two Latin American warlords. One general is backed by "Borduria", a fictional but identifiably Communist-block nation. The other is financed by the (presumably American) International Banana Company. Tintin does not take political sides. He contents himself by backing the rebel general in exchange for his friends' freedom, and a pledge that the revolution will be bloodless, with no executions or reprisals. That focus on the death penalty is an extremely European way for Tintin to remain a "man of good faith", to borrow a phrase Hergé used about himself. There is no wild talk of promoting democracy, or even regime change.

Interviewed late in life, Hergé acknowledged the links between his wartime experiences and his moral outlook. The second world war lies behind a great deal in Tintin, just as it lies deep beneath the political instincts of many on the European continent. It matters a lot that the Anglo-Saxon world has a different memory of that same war: it is a tragic event, but not a cause for shame, nor a reminder of impotence.

Tintin has never fallen foul of the 1949 French law on children's literature. He is not a coward, and the albums do not make that vice appear in a favourable light. But he is a pragmatist, albeit a principled one. Perhaps Anglo-Saxon audiences want something more from their fictional heroes: they want them imbued with the power to change events, and inflict total defeat on the wicked. Tintin cannot offer something so unrealistic. In that, he is a very European hero.

Moulinsart-Studios Herge

2008年12月26日星期五

Nobel Laureates, China Scholars Call for Liu Xiaobo’s Release

December 22, 2008

President Hu Jintao
People's Republic of China
Zhongnanhai, Xichengqu,
Beijing
People's Republic of China

Dear President Hu Jintao,

We, the undersigned scholars, writers, lawyers and human rights advocates write to share our deep concern with the ongoing arbitrary detention of literary critic and former professor of literature Liu Xiaobo.

Mr. Liu, a prominent and highly-regarded intellectual both in and outside of China, was taken away from his home in Beijing by public security officers on the evening of December 8. During the accompanying search of his apartment, which lasted for several hours, police seized his computers, mobile phones, and most of his personal papers.

No official reason has been given for Mr. Liu's arrest. In violation of China's own laws and regulations, the police have failed to inform either his relatives or his lawyer of his whereabouts or the reasons for his detention.

Because of the fact that Mr. Liu's arrest came half a day before the publication of a public appeal to promote human rights and democracy in China entitled "Charter 08," and because the police detained and questioned several other "Charter 08" signatories at the same time, the presumption is that Mr. Liu has been arrested solely for exercising his right to freedom of expression, as guaranteed under China's constitution and international law.

Mr. Liu's activities have always been peaceful and according to law. Although he was twice arbitrarily detained for several years for writing articles criticizing the government, he has never been convicted of any crime. In recent years, Mr. Liu's reputation grew as his essays on current affairs in China and his principled defense of human rights and democracy circulated widely. Mr. Liu has consistently opposed recourse to violence. In his articles, he has lauded the amendments to the constitution that stipulate respect for human rights and property rights. He has written strongly in favor of the development of a free civil society in China.

As President of the People's Republic of China, you have yourself often pledged to strengthen China's legal system, stressing recently that "the rule of law is important for the promotion, realization and safeguarding of a harmonious society." We urge you to honor your commitment to ensure the civil rights of citizens who peacefully express their views on public affairs.

For the international community to take seriously China's oft-stated commitment to respect human rights and the rule of law, and for China's own citizens to trust the judicial system to redress legitimate grievances, it is urgent that China's central leadership ensure that no one be arrested or harassed simply for the peaceful expression of his or her views.

It is equally urgent that judicial authorities throughout China cease to use China's anti-subversion law to prosecute peaceful critics such as Mr. Liu Xiaobo, who should be released immediately without conditions.

Sincerely,

Edoardo Albinati
Writer
Italy

Elisabeth Allès
Director, Centre d'études sur la Chine Moderne et Contemporaine (Centre for the Study of Modern and Contemporary China)
École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales
France

Vincenzo Balzani
Professor, Department of Chemistry
University of Bologna
Italy

Geremie R. Barmé
Federation Fellow, College of Asian & Pacific Studies
Australian National University
Australia

Robbie Barnett
Professor of Tibetan Studies
Columbia University
USA

Richard Baum
Professor of Political Sciences
University of California in Los Angeles
USA

Jean-Philippe Béja
Senior Researcher, CNRS/CERI Paris, CEFC
Hong Kong

Robert Benewick
Emeritus Professor of Politics
University of Sussex
UK

Gregor Benton
Professor of Chinese History and Archeology
Cardiff University
Wales, UK

Bernard Bernier
Professor, Department of Anthropology
Université de Montréal
Canada

Robert Bernstein
Founding Chair, Human Rights Watch
USA

Thomas P. Bernstein
Professor Emeritus, Political Science
Columbia University
USA

Igor Blazevic
Director, One World Human Rights Film Festival
Czech Republic

Board of International Pen
Jiri Grusa, President, International PEN
Eugene Schoulgin, International Secretary, International PEN
Cecilia Balcazar, Board Member
Mike Butscher, Board Member
Takeaki Hori, Board Member
Eric Lax, Board Member
Yang Lian, Board Member
Mohamed Magani, Board Member
Kristin Schnider, Board Member
Karin Clark, Chair International PEN's Writers in Prison Committee
UK

Michel Bonnin
Professor, Centre d'études sur la Chine Moderne et Contemporaine (Centre for the Study of Modern and Contemporary China)
École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales
France

Anna Bravo
Historian
Turin University
Italy

Alessandra Brezzi
Associate Professor
University of Urbino
Italy

Vincent Brossel
Head of Asia-Pacific Desk
Reporters Sans Frontières 

Jean-Pierre Cabestan
Professor and Head, Department of Government and International Studies
Hong Kong Baptist University
Hong Kong

Claude Cadart
Researcher (Retired)
CNRS/CERI Sciences-Po, Paris
France

William A. Callahan
Chair in International Politics
Co-Director, British Inter-University China Centre
University of Manchester
UK

Anita Chan
Visiting Research Fellow, Contemporary China Centre
Australian National University
Australia

Gordon G. Chang
Writer
USA

Kristen Cheney
Assistant Professor of Anthropology
University of Dayton
USA

Joseph Cheng
Professor of Political Sciences, City University
Hong Kong

Cheng Yingxiang
Researcher (Retired)
CNRS/CERI Sciences-Po, Paris
France

Leïla Choukroune
Assistant Professor of Law
HEC Paris School of Management
France

Martin Chung
Lecturer, School of Arts, Letters and Sciences
Macao Inter-University Institute
Macao

Marcello Cini
Physicist
Professor Emeritus
La Sapienza University, Rome
Italy

Jerome A. Cohen
NYU School of Law
USA

Patrizia Dado
Associate Professor of Chinese Modern and Contemporary Literature
Faculty of Oriental Studies
La Sapienza University, Rome
Italy

Gloria Davies
Convenor of Chinese Studies
Monash University
Australia

Michael C. Davis
Professor of Law
Chinese University of Hong Kong
Hong Kong

Sara L.M. Davis
Executive director
Asia Catalyst
USA

Bob Dietz
Asia Program Coordinator
Committee to Protect Journalists
USA

Jean-Luc Domenach
Senior Researcher
CERI-Sciences-Po (Institute of Political Sciences), Paris
France

Michael W. Dowdle
Faculty of Law
National University of Singapore
Singapore

June Teufel Dreyer
Professor, Department of Political Science
University of Miami
USA

Ryan Dunch
Associate Professor, History and Classics
University of Alberta
Canada

Umberto Eco
Professor of Semiology
University of Bologna
Italy

Richard Louis Edmonds
Visiting Professor in the Committee on Geographical Studies
Center for East Asian Studies
University of Chicago
USA

Fang Lizhi
Professor of Physics
University of Arizona
USA

Feng Chongyi
Deputy Director, China Research Centre
University of Technology, Sydney
Australia

Ernesto Ferrero
Writer, Director of the International Book Fair of Turin
Italy

Eric Florence
Researcher, Centre for Ethnic and Migration Studies
University of Liege
Belgium

Marcello Flores
Professor, Comparative History
University of Siena
Italy

Christine Fréchette
Coordonnatrice
Chaire d'études politiques et économiques américaines (CÉPÉA)
Montréal, Canada

Edward Friedman
Professor, Political Science
University of Wisconsin     
USA

Matilde Callari Galli
Department Chair, Educational Sciences
University of Bologna
Italy

Anna Maria Gentili
Department of Politics, Institutions and History
Alma Mater Studiorum
University of Bologna
Italy

Carlo Ginzburg
Professor
Scuola Normale Superiore of Pisa
Italy

Andre Glucksmann
Philosopher
France

Merle Goldman
Professor Emerita
Boston University
USA

Richard J. Goldstone
Former Justice of the Constitutional Court of South Africa.
Learned Hand Visiting Professor of Law
Harvard Law School
USA

Nadine Gordimer
Nobel Laureate in Literature
South Africa

Lars Grahn
Book publisher, retired
Sweden

Andrea Graziosi
Professor, Contemporary History
Federico II University, Naples
Italy

Giles Gunn
Professor and Chair, Global and International Studies
University of California, Santa Barbara
USA

Tyrell Haberkorn
Peace and Conflict Studies Program
Colgate University
USA

Carol Hayman
Professor of Anthropology
Austin Community College
USA

Seamus Heaney
Nobel Laureate in Literature
Ireland

Donald Holzman
Professor Emeritus
Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales
Paris
France

Marie Holzman
Writer and sinologist
France

Sharon Hom
Executive Director
Human Rights in China
USA

Jean-François Huchet
Director
French Center for Research on Contemporary China
Hong Kong

Bruce Jacobs
Professor Asian Languages
Monash University
Australia

Jean-François Julliard
Secretary General
Reporters Sans Frontières
France

Lucina Kathmann
International Vice-President, International PEN
Novelist and essayist
Mexico

Willem E.C. Van Kemenade
Visiting Senior Fellow
Netherlands Institute of International Relations (Clingendael)
The Hague, The Netherlands

Wendy Keys
Filmmaker
USA

Hari Kunzru
Writer
UK

Jeri Laber
Consultant to the Association of American Publishers
USA

Andre Laliberte
Associate Professor, School of Political Studies
University of Ottawa
Canada

Willy Lam
Professor
Akita International University
Japan

Alessandra Lavagnino
Professor of Chinese Language and Culture
University of Milan
Italy

Marc Lazar
Professor
Sciences-Po Paris (Institute of Political Science), Paris
Luiss University, Rome
Italy

Joanne Leedom-Ackerman
Vice President International PEN
USA

Steven I. Levine
Associate Director, Maureen and Mike Mansfield Center
University of Montana
USA

Xiaorong Li
Senior researcher, Institute for Philosophy and Public Policy
University of Maryland
USA

Lin Xiling
Former Rightist
France

Perry Link
Chancellorial Chair for Innovation in Teaching Across Disciplines
University of California, Riverside
USA

Dimon Liu
Woodrow Wilson Visiting Fellow, The Council of Independent Colleges
USA

Stanley Lubman
Lecturer in Residence
University of California, Berkeley, School of Law
USA

Richard Madsen
Professor of Sociology
University of California, San Diego
USA

Alessandro Marzo Magno
Writer
Italy

Victor H. Mair
Professor Chinese Language and Literature
University of Pennsylvania
USA

James Mann
Author-in-residence
Johns Hopkins, School of Advanced International  Studies
USA

Barrett L. McCormick
Professor, Political Science Department
Marquette University
USA

Françoise Mengin
Senior Researcher
CERI-Sciences-Po (Institute of Political Sciences), Paris
France

Alice Lyman Miller
Research fellow, Hoover Institution
Stanford University
USA

Andrew Miller
Senior Editor, Alfred A. Knopf
USA

Marina Miranda
Associate Professor
History of contemporary China
La Sapienza University. Rome
Italy

Olivier Mongin
France

Marc-Olivier Padis
Rédacteur en chef de la revue Esprit
France

Ronald N. Montaperto 
Consultant on Asian Affairs
North Carolina
USA

Robin Munro
Research Associate, Law Dept, SOAS
UK

Andrew J. Nathan
Class of 1919 Professor of Political Science
Columbia University
USA

Barry Naughton
Professor
Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies
University of California, San Diego
USA

Valerie Niquet
Director, Asia Centre
French Institute of International Relations (IFRI)
France

Giorgio Parisi
Professor of Theoretical Physics
La Sapienza University, Rome
Foreign Member of the National Academy of Sciences (USA)
Italy

Enrico Parlato
Associate Professor
La Tuscia University
Italy

Pia Pera
Writer
Italy

Martyne Perrot
Researcher
Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris
France

Roberta Pierobon
Attorney
Italy

Eva Pils
Assistant Professor
Hong Kong

Anemone Platz
Associate Professor, Asian Section
Aarhus University
Denmark

Karoline Postel-Vinay
Senior Researcher
CERI-Sciences-PO (Institute of Political Sciences), Paris
France

Benjamin L. Read
Assistant Professor
Politics Department
University of California, Santa Cruz
USA

Maria Rita Masci
Literary translator
Italy

Arthur Rosenbaum
Associate Professor of History
Claremont McKenna College
USA

Kenneth Roth
Executive Director
Human Rights Watch
USA

Elisa Rotino
Lecturer in History and Civilization of Far East
Università L'Orientale, Naples
Italy

Salman Rushdie
Author
USA

Victoria Sanford
Associate Professor of Anthropology
Lehman College and The Graduate Center
City University of New York
USA

Éric Sautedé
Lecturer
School of Management, Leadership and Government
Macao Inter-University Institute
Macao

Patricia Scott Schroeder
President and CEO, Association of American Publishers
USA

Jonathan Schwartz
Associate Professor of Political Science, Director of Asian Studies
State University of New York, New Paltz
USA

James C. Scott
Sterling Professor of Political Science and Anthropology
Yale University
USA

Jacques Seurre
Sinologist
Agence France Presse
France

James Seymour
Honorary Senior Research Fellow
Chinese University of Hong Kong
Hong Kong

Tsering Shakya
Canadian Research Chair on Religion and Contemporary Society in Asia
Institute of Asian Research University of British Columbia
Canada

Satoru Shinomiya
Professor of Law
Waseda Law School
Japan

Susan L. Shirk
University of California, San Diego
USA

Joel Simon
Executive Director
Committee to Protect Journalists
USA

Gianni Sofri
Professor
Università di Bologna
Italy

Dorothy J. Solinger
Professor, Political Science
University of California, Irvine
USA

Yongyi Song
Associate Professor/Librarian
California State University
USA

Wole Soyinka
Nobel Laureate in Literature
Nigeria

Elliot Sperling
Indiana University
USA

Leslie E. Sponsel
Professor of Anthropology 
University of Hawaii at Manoa
USA

Christine Stufferin
President, Alex Langer Foundation
Italy

Su Xiaokang
Chinese writer in exile
USA

Frederick C. Teiwes
Emeritus Professor of Chinese Politics
University of Sydney
Australia

Stig Thogersen
Professor of China Studies
Aarhus Universtity
Denmark

Emilie Tran
Visiting Professor
University of Science and Technology
Hong Kong

Steve Tsang
Reader in Politics, Oxford University
UK

Toshiro Ueyanagi
Professor of Law
Waseda Law School
Japan

Jonathan Unger
Professor and Head Contemporary China Centre
Australian National University
Australia

Peter Van Ness
Contemporary China Centre and Department of International Relations Research School of Pacific & Asian Studies
Australian National University
Australia

Sebastian Veg
Researcher
CEFC (French Centre of Research on Contemporary China)
Hong Kong

Sandro Veronesi
Writer
Italy

Wan Yanhai
Director
Beijing Aizhixing Institute
China

Jeffrey Wasserstrom
Professor of History
University of California, Irvine
USA

Martin K. Whyte
Department of Sociology
Harvard University
USA

Calla Wiemer
Visiting Scholar
Center for Chinese Studies
University of California, Los Angeles
USA                                        

Leon Wieseltier
Literary editor, The New Republic
USA

Leroy B. Williams
Professor of History and Political Science
Harvard University
USA

Richard A. Wilson
Gladstein Distinguished Chair in Human Rights
Director Human Rights Institute
University of Connecticut
USA

Wendy Wolf
Editorial director, nonfiction
Viking Penguin
USA

Dr. Guoguang Wu
Chair in China and Asia-Pacific Relations Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives
University of Victoria
Canada

Yu Maochun
Professor of East Asia and Military History
United States Naval Academy 
USA

Francesco Zamponi
Researcher CNRS
Ecole Normale Supérieure, Paris
France

Sam Zarifi
Director, Asia-Pacific Region
Amnesty International
UK

Kate Zhou
Associate Professor of Political Science
University of Hawaii
USA

转载:近期教师大罢工统计

搜集人员:不详

2008.12.09湖南省邵阳市大祥区教师罢课

2008.12.09湖南省涟源市2000多教师罢课

2008.12.09河南省洛阳市吉利区中小学教师自发请病假一天

2008.12.09湖南省永州市双牌县教师集体到政府提交请愿书及抗议书

2008.12.09湖北省枝江教师罢课

2008.12.08陕西省汉中市城固县教师罢课

2008.12.05湖南省新邵教师罢课

2008.12.01湖南省邵东县3000教师大罢课

2008.12.01-3湖南省隆回县教师教师大罢课

2008.11.27内蒙古赤峰市宁城县教师罢课

2008.11.26湖北省武汉市汉南区教师罢课

2008.11.24陕西省宁强县数百教师上访

2008.11.24湖北省鄂州市梁子湖区教师罢课

2008.11.20江苏泰州泰兴部分学校罢课。

2008.11.18号四川省泸州市合江县先市中学、大桥学校、佛宝学校等罢课

2008.11.17湖南省娄底市新化县教师大罢课

2008.11.17广西自治区钦州市某幼儿园教师罢课

2008.11.13重庆市永川区退休教师上访

2008.11.13辽宁省葫芦岛市连山区教师罢课

2008.11.12湖南省娄底市娄星区500余名教师上访

2008.11.12湖北省潜江教师大罢课

2008.11.11湖北省潜江周矶中学罢课

2008.11.10重庆市永川区退休教师上访

2008.11.10四川省凉山州会理县罢课

2008.11.10陕西省安塞县教师罢课

2008.11.06湖南省永州市新田县教师大罢课

2008.11.04四川省宜宾市宜宾县教师大罢课 

2008.11.03陕西省汉中市西乡县教师大罢课

2008.11.03黑龙江省齐齐哈尔市铁锋区数百教师上访

2008.11.03广东省湛江市东海岛教师罢课

2008.11.01重庆市永川区退休教师上访

2008.11.01重庆市綦江县教师千人签名

2008.10月 四川省成都市武侯区机投中学罢课

2008.10.月份成都市武侯区也有学校罢课

2008.10.XX山东省新泰市青云办事处教师罢课 

2008.10.28重庆市江津区部分学校罢课

2008.10.28四川省马边彝族自治县的老师罢课

2008.10.27左右重庆市荣昌县小规模罢课

2008.10.27重庆市万州区部分学校罢课

2008.10.27福建省南平市政和县部分乡镇中学老师罢课

2008.10.24重庆市江津区退休教师上书请愿

2008.10.23重庆市綦江县教师大罢课

2008.10.23重庆市大足县小规模罢课

2008.10.23重庆市璧山县小规模罢课

2008.10.23四川省泸州市江阳区部分学校罢课

2008.10.22重庆市长寿区教师大罢课

2008.10.21旬四川省遂宁市大英县教师罢课 

2008.10.21四川省遂宁市安居区决山初中全校罢课

2008.10.17重庆市永川区教师全体大罢课

2008.10.15四川省绵竹大规模教师罢课

2008.10.13四川省什邡大规模教师罢课

2008.10.13四川省华蓥大规模老师罢课

2008.10.09四川省资中县大规模老师罢课   

2008.10.09四川省广安区老师罢课

2008.10.08重庆市铜梁县教师"非正常上访事件"

2008.10.07辽宁省大连长兴岛教师罢课 

2008.10.06邛崃大规模老师罢课

2008.09.23四川省郫县大规模老师罢课

 

2008年12月22日星期一

穿状衣、举标语、喊口号罪

山西太原将严肃处置违法信访行为 含进京上访等
2008年12月22日13:17
来源:人民
  昨日下午,太原市委政法委新闻办公室发布新闻通报称,我市已安排部署依法处置信访活动中违法犯罪行为的工作,旨在发挥信访工作在构建社会主义和谐社会中的积极作用,进一步维护正常的信访秩序,有效制止信访活动中的违法犯罪行为。
  新闻通报说,信访工作是党和政府的一项重要工作,是构建社会主义和谐社会的基础性工作,也是化解民忧、汇聚民意、舒缓民怨、凝聚民心的一个重要方式。长期以来,我市信访工作在解决突出问题、化解矛盾纠纷,维护群众合法权益、促进社会和谐稳定发挥了重要作用。同时,人民群众依法信访的观念日益增强,通过依法开展信访,维护了自身的合法权益。但也有少数信访人违反规定进行信访,无理缠访闹访,有的甚至在信访活动中实施违法犯罪行为,严重妨碍了国家机关的办公秩序,侵害了其他正常信访人的合法权益,影响了我市社会治安秩序和社会和谐稳定。
    为此,依据《刑法》、《治安处罚法》、《集会游行示威法》和国务院《信访条例》等法律、法规和我省五部门关于《关于依法处置信访活动违法行为的意见》,我市司法部门将对
  1. 在北京天安门广场、中南海、外国驻华使馆、中央领导驻地和省市党政机关等非信访场所上访的;
  2. 屡次违反《信访条例》的;
  3. 为制造影响到外国驻华使领馆和驻华机构实施穿状衣、举标语、喊口号的,
  4. 违反《信访条例》组织、煽动集体上访的,
  5. 进京上访的
等违法行为进行依法处置,以维护我市社会的和谐稳定。(来源:日太原报李凯、曹明晖)

2008年12月21日星期日

纪念革命家老牛

老牛全名牛玉昌,年近六旬,好像是黑龙江人,爱喝两口白酒,因为农垦的案件上访,访成了职业革命家。有一子,三十岁上下光景,也是半个革命家。

我已经想不起来上一次见到老牛是什么时候,大约是4年前。那时关天茶社聚会,他常去,而我极少去,赶在春桃夫妇来京那次,很巧撞上了。老人家还认得我,碰头时互相相视一笑。我只晓得他做了"三春大地研究所",和另一个侯女士,干些最胆大的事情。他那时已经多次享受派出所待遇,和我对视的那一眼,能看出其中的闪躲和不自然。而且依然贫困,聚餐后的残羹,老牛一个人欣然悉数打包。

再次见到老牛,是几小时前,他已经只剩下一个名字。他与命运的抗争,止步于2008511日。据说,07年初他查出了癌症晚期,没什么收入也没有医保的农民革命家,应该是依靠意志而不是医药来度过最后的时光,不知他忍受了多少痛苦才离开这个世界。最后的那一刻,他挂念的应该是他的事业,未尽的革命事业。

直到最后一次看到牛玉昌这个名字,我才知道很多已经没有意义的信息,比如他出生于1943年,是黑龙江省勃利县四甲村人,一个人拉扯大4个子女,07年被查出癌症晚期。这些信息,有些他也在聊天时提起过,记住的人不会太多。用符号和符号去打交道更为便捷,那些让符号活灵活现的信息总是显得那么多余,以至于一种冷漠。

牛玉昌,是曾经三农问题最炙手可热时的名人之一,他顶着花白的头发,满北京城的转悠,和当时上访村村长老刘一起,成为最便捷进入上访村的两把钥匙。作为非典型的老访民,他最常说的已经不是他那12亩地,而是探索与康晓光著作同名的命题"中国的道路"。

初见老牛,是2002年。2001年,我在媒体上看到清洗右安门"上访村"的消息后,穿越一个北京,从昌平赶往南二环,茫然的在陶然桥附近饶了几圈,就是找不到所谓的上访村。

2002年就不一样了,老石给了我老牛的电话。那一天,老牛带着我在迷宫般的右安门上访村走了好久。我去的时候,上访村经历了近年来第一阶段的大清洗,看得出元气伤了不少,直到几个月后,上访村的规模才重新再现。访民们,有的睡在火车站,有的睡在地下通道,高法接待站的路旁,就是浩浩荡荡的访民在行李上研读法律,还有连成一片的平房,乌泱乌泱的人群。来来往往的访民中,老牛不时的与熟人打招呼。

这些是最易发现的,还有更多,隐身在隐蔽的居民区中,杂草树林中,铁道边的围墙根,也有一排石棉瓦遮盖着的庇身所。很荣幸,老牛和我还路过了城管队员刚刚战斗过的地方,在一地破碎的石棉瓦片和棉絮衣物上,访民们在翻找着他们最后的财产。

绕了一大圈,探寻了每个隐蔽的据点后,已是夕阳西下,上访村也是炊烟袅袅,一家吃着看不出是什么东西的东西,另一家欢快的在树林中煮着垃圾堆里捡来的速冻水饺。

在铁道桥上,老牛路遇了另一个志愿者医生,2002年的大好盛世北京,两人聊着近来访民缺什么药品,谁快要病死了,哪里刚死了个访民。

获老牛邀请,我有幸去了老牛的住处。他和他的一个儿子住在南三环边一大片整整齐齐的破旧平房群落中,房租好像是每月一百元。屋子里一张大床占去了三分之二的空间,窗户上糊着朔料布,门上只有一个三五块钱的小锁,白天屋里没人时才锁上。我们三人吃着3.5元的大餐,老牛咂着白酒,慷慨激昂。说到兴奋处,老牛一个健步蹿上床去,小心翼翼的从墙上的柜子里取出一张大白纸,一把抖开。

大白纸上,是他的心血,他对中国的思索,是我们受困于"匹夫有责"的证明,心忧天下的写照。

那时的老牛,虽然经常靠着很多朋友接济而生存,但是依然乐此不疲的奔走,也乐此不疲的带领着各路人士去上访村,联络记者,送食品药品,送御寒衣物。

一晃几年,上访村在政府一轮又一轮的清洗后,变成了南城的一个大花园,昔日熙熙攘攘的平房也被铲平,只留下川流不息的访民。

上访村的故事,随着网络的普及,也开始触动着网民的心,带动着爱进入上访村。

老牛,始终是乐呵呵的奔走,乐呵呵的接待着每一个人。无论是一个人,还是成立了研究所,还是后来三番五次的拘留和传讯。

一个时代过去了,三农问题突然又从公共话题中消失,访民们依然为命运而奔走呼号,政府依旧御人权民主于国门之外。老牛,带着他的梦想,悄然离开人世。倒在病榻上的战士,似乎喃喃呼喊着"过河"。

今夜的北京,零下十二度。以往,刺骨寒流过后,总会有露宿的上访村民冻毙。如果老牛依然健在,这应当是他忙碌的时候,也是其他热心人最忙的时候,会有人来送御寒衣物,会有人来送药品食物。

老牛没能看到梦想在中国的实现,但是他见证了爱在进入上访村。

我会祭给老牛一瓶二锅头,这是我6年前承诺买个老牛的,与他的梦想无关。

 

姚遥,20081221日夜

2008年12月16日星期二

奇谈怪论: 男子扔鸡蛋污损党旗国旗军旗被拘 薄熙来亲批示

重庆时报讯 近日,我市公安机关经过近10天的艰苦奋战,成功侦破沙坪坝区红岩魂广场污损旗帜案,忠诚捍卫了党和国家的形象和尊严。中央政治局委员、市委书记薄熙来和市长王鸿举对此专门作出批示,充分肯定了我市公安机关所作的努力,认为此案的迅速侦破显示了公安机关的政治、业务素质。

  党旗、国旗、军旗等被污损

  11月23日晚7时40分,沙坪坝区烈士陵园红岩魂广场梯道中间的党旗、国旗、军旗、团旗、队旗五面旗帜被人用黑色黏稠液体投掷污损。

这一严重政治案件发生在红色革命圣地歌乐山下,且作案时间临近"11.27"大屠杀纪念日,案件性质十分恶劣,在当地群众中激起了极大愤慨,大家纷纷表示"这里是革命烈士的安息之处,我们每个人都视这里为最神圣的地方,想不到竟有人胆敢如此嚣张!"

此案也引起了中央和市委领导的高度关注。中央政治局委员、市委书记薄熙来和市委常委、政法委书记刘光磊等领导同志作出批示,要求尽快组织侦破,消除影响。

出警105人次 排查873人

  市公安局立即组织沙坪坝区公安分局、市局指挥中心、刑警总队、国保总队、文保分局、行动技术总队、网监总队等单位精干警力组成专案组,迅速投入案侦工作。由于此案嫌疑人作案时天色已晚,作案地点较为僻静,且案发地点周边人流量大,案侦线索缺乏,侦破难度很大。

  11月26日,市局常务副局长王立军召集所有参战单位召开专案工作会,严肃指出:此案是对党和国家形象的损害,是对民主法制的破坏。他要求公安机关加强对社会矛盾点和单位内部矛盾点的排查,务必快速侦破。

  随即,各参战单位出动警力105人次,对873名重点人员进行了排查。通过大量艰苦摸排,专案组排除了50名重点工作对象作案的可能性,得到反馈信息100多条,并根据其中一条重要线索出击,于12月1日下午在高新区将犯罪嫌疑人张敬之抓获归案。

  两名犯罪嫌疑人被刑拘

  经审讯,张敬之交代了制作油漆鸡蛋并到现场投掷污损旗帜的作案过程。经警方多方查证和心理攻坚,张在被抓26个小时后又交代出了另一同案嫌疑人,但只知姓文。专案民警通过对大量人口资料的搜索、摸排和甄别,终于发现一名叫文廷玉的人与张所供述的嫌疑人特征十分吻合,经张敬之辨认照片,文廷玉正是其作案同伙。

  12月2日,专案民警在沙坪坝区向乐村将文廷玉抓获。据嫌犯交代,案发当晚,由张准备好作案工具后,张、文二人相约窜至红岩魂广场,分别朝五面红旗各投掷了4枚油漆鸡蛋。至此,此案全案告破。

  目前,根据刑法第299条之规定,公安机关已依法对两名犯罪嫌疑人实施刑事拘留。

  公众场合故意毁损

  可处三年以下徒刑

  《刑法》第二百九十九条规定:在公众场合故意以焚烧、毁损、涂划、玷污、践踏等方式侮辱中华人民共和国国旗、国徽的,处三年以下有期徒刑、拘役、管制或者剥夺政治。

  《国旗法》第十九条规定:在公众场合故意以焚烧、毁损、涂划、玷污、践踏等方式侮辱中华人民共和国国旗的,依法追究刑事责任;情节较轻的,参照治安管理处罚条例的处罚规定,由公安机关处以十五日以下拘留。华商网-重庆时报

--------------------

SOHU网友评论摘选:

应该罚款100元

民族的败类.严惩不待!!!!!   查看原文>> 拜托你搞清楚"民族"和"国家"的区别。
 
我估计这两家伙是下岗分子,没事干了   查看原文>> 我虽然不是下岗工人,但猜测你这么高素质应该是党员
 
为什么不查查他为什么要污损国旗,也许是想借此表达对统治阶级的不满。
 
高压政策或者红色恐怖根本解决不了问题;问题多了,政党自然就不会再代表国家。
 
应当罚款2000,与超速200%一样:)
 
精英
 
也许他们太爱国了
 
美国的可贵之处,就是美国公民有权焚烧美国国旗。
 
因为这些已经让人民绝望..........
 
应该枪毙!!!   查看原文>> 枪毙谁啊?
 
从小就有人教育我们,爱党和爱国是一会事!
 
谁吃饱了撑的没事干这个,肯定是执政党不得人心被,把国民当成P的政党,国民只做到这一步真不错了
 
扔鞋的为什么不判刑?太不公平了
 
也许他只是想泼洒到D旗上,谁知道D旗和国旗都联在一块儿。而且这面旗帜还是当年的英烈捍卫的旗帜吗
 
我们热爱的是中国,是中国人.
不是什么国旗/党旗!!
想当年,焚烧国民党党旗的人才是英雄!

2008年12月13日星期六

2008年度最雷人语录五十条

2可器辑录

1、"对我的抹黑,就是对西丰的抹黑,...请管好你的嘴!不要乱讲"
--2008年1月7日,做出进京捉记者壮举的西丰县委书记张志国在西丰人论坛里发帖说。随后张书记被"责令辞职",11月,张被发现已荣任沈铁轻轨办的副总指挥,负责具体工作。再随后,在舆论压力下,张再次丢官.

2、"我们不采取措施,是对全县人民不负责任。"
--辽宁省西丰县政法委书记周静宇,对县委书记张志国派警察入京捉拿女记者的评价(据《中国青年报》《新京报》)。女记者朱文娜之前曾采写报道《辽宁西丰:一场官商较量》。

3、"现在不是讨论事情真相的时候,这个事件现在已经很混乱了,而且已经上升到学校声誉,甚至是国家安全的地步了。"
――中国政法大学教授杨帆(男)在课堂上与一女生恶语相向并发生肢体冲突,事件发生后杨帆对媒体如是说。(二可气推荐)

4、"我竟然把它们(伪造的自己与国家领导人的合影)印到书的扉页上,真是鬼使神差,只图虚名,招来了大祸。"
--临汾市委常委、临汾宣传部长王月喜在法庭上痛苦的反思着(民主拉登推荐)。

5、"这话只有全国人大代表可以说,省人大代表不能说。我们都听不见"
--2008年1月23日,当过省三届人大代表的梁宝煜屡次打断全国人大代表李永忠的尖锐发言,并拂袖而去。事后他解释"我只是出去抽支烟而已"

6、"以前没有网络的时候多好啊,想让他们怎么说就怎么说。"
-----《南方人物周刊》记者回访陕西绥德校长找县长签字被拘事件,采访受阻,接待记者的绥德宣传部长说出这样的话,同时他还感慨:"以前不来报道我们绥德的大好形势,现在一出这事你们就过来,这不是给我们的工作添乱吗?"。(网友二可气推荐)

7、"看病最不难是中国,看病最不贵是中国。...是人们的价值观念问题。"
---2008.2.18,广州市卫生局副局长曾其毅说。(新快报)

8、"郭副主席说的一些情况...既违背事实又违背常识。...这次抗灾斗争的胜利是...一次壮举,是社会主义制度优越性的充分体现"
---2008 年2月19日,铁道部新闻发言人王勇平回应广州政协副主席郭锡龄对铁道路的批评时说。他同时反驳郭:"从来就没听说过铁道部从长江以北调过任何一台内燃机车到广州地区参与救灾"。但之前的1月31日王曾发言:"像当年支援淮海战役一样,集中全路力量以最快的速度从北京、郑州...等铁路局紧急调集大量内燃机车、客车和大批人员驰援广铁。"

9、"我们市委、市政府在党中央国务院、省委、省政府、广州军区、解放军武警还有全市人民的共同关心支持下,上级领导指挥之下,铁道部的全力配合之下,硬是在年三十之前年二十九把滞留在广州的旅客全部送走。这就是奇迹,这就是社会主义制度的优越性,其他国家不可能发生的事情就发生在中国!"
---2008.2.20,广州市委常委、宣传部长王晓玲评价雪灾期间广州政府的表现。

10、"这两个企业均是日本在华设立的独资企业,生产过程完全按照日方的标准工艺进行管理和生产,并由日方公司人员负责驻厂监管。"
--2008年2月22日,中国输日包子在日本被检出农药残留一事,日方认为责任在中国企业,国家质检总局则回应说这些企业都是日本独资、日本工艺、日本人监管。几天后,公安部表示毒源"发生在中国境内的可能性极小",否认了这两家企业出问题的可能性。

11、"中方多次表示,中国人民享有广泛的人权和宗教信仰的自由。"
--2008年2月26日,外长杨洁篪说。

12、"'钉子户'为了他个人的利益,损害了包括开发商在内的多数人的利益!这也是房价上涨的原因之一。"
--2008年3月4日,全国政协委员、北京某房地产公司老总穆麒茹十一届政协会议上发言。

13、"对于所谓垄断要科学界定,电信业固话业务、移动业务都有竞争,怎么能算垄断企业呢?当然不是。"
--2008两位期间全国政协委员、国资委副主任王瑞祥表示。

14、"政府不应害怕上访而牺牲富人利益。许多地方政府官员为了息事宁人,要求财力较强的一方当事人牺牲自身合法利益,来满足这些上访者的诸多不合理要求。"
--2008年3月11日,参加"两会"的全国政协委员、祈福集团董事长彭磷基说。(三户王勤提供)

15、"世界上很多西方人因为精神空虚,压力大,开始信奉藏传佛教,瑜伽,印度教等等,......宗教不能当饭吃,但可以被利用来进行奴隶式的剥削......"
---2008年4月10日,自己也经常练瑜珈的搜狐老板张朝阳在博客里写道。

16、"去年,全市空气质量属优或良的天数为333天。"
--2008年4月13日,广州市环保局如此宣布,此前,该局承认"去年广州灰霾天数131天"。两者相加,广州一年有464天。

17."一是要以法律的规定为依据;二是要以治安总体状况为依据;三是要以社会和人民群众的感觉为依据。"
----最高人民法院院长王胜俊4月10日解释判死刑的依据

18."什么,两三天就能吃到一顿米饭?"
---2008年4月10日,南方都市报记者在凉山采访童工马海布的母亲时表示,"你儿子在那边很可怜,两三天才能吃到一顿米饭"。但这位前几秒钟还在为儿子失踪而痛哭的母亲,闻听此言竟一脸惊喜地如此表示

19.没有监测到地震
----2008年5月12日,四川汶川地震,上海震感明显,该市不少写楼白领通过逃生通道,走出高楼。但东方网记者事后致电佘山地震台和上海地震局时,工作人员都做如此表示。

20."死亡数字各个部门有不同的口径,对这些数字我们不必过于较真。"
---2008年5月12日晚,央视主持人在主播汶川大地震时,打断连线记者的话如此说道。

21、"地震未必是坏事,比如去年岷县地震,震后盖的房子就很漂亮嘛"
--5.12四川大地震后,甘肃省委书记陆浩"第一时间"赶到甘肃灾区,发表重要讲话时如是说。

22、"同志,你要知道,倒塌的可不仅仅是学校,北川县民政局整栋大楼都倒了啊!"
--2008年5月13日,汶川地震第二天记者招待会上,记者提问为何倒塌的大部分是学校,民政部救灾司司长痛心地回答。(rouge 推荐)

23、"我局编辑在信息编辑过程中出现技术失误,导致内容有误"
---5月23日,甘肃地震局在一条仅限给网友的道歉信中如是说。此前的5月20日,甘肃省委书记陆浩曾说"在震前就对这次地震的趋势做过预测,并向省委、省政府做过报告"

24、"你这是我们中国人的耻辱"
--2008年6月初,深圳华强北某商场保安用皮带抽打一个女小偷,并迫其拍下裸露胸部的视频,期间保安如此指责小偷。

25、"关你屁事"
--汶川地震期间,成都市区有自称"有关系"的人在救灾专用帐蓬里搓麻将,市民报警后一女警对围观市民如是说。

27、"纵做鬼,也幸福"
--2008年6月6日,王兆山(山东作协副主席)在《齐鲁晚报》发表词"江城子 废墟下的自述",词以废墟下遇难者的口吻,感叹党国赐与的幸福。

28、"我们不能认定他们应该负什么责任,因为他们认为照片中的老虎是真,而不是说虎照是真的。"
--2008年6月29日,华南虎事件官方调查组回应"如何处理公开挺假的学者专家"时说。

29、"对待刁民政府要硬气,不要被刁民挟持。"
――2008年6月,龙永图在广州出席公园化战略研讨会谈到"最牛钉子户"时,如是说。

30、"不用去现场调查就知道那里的情况,因为我是专家。"
--2008年7月6日,在央视《新闻调查》的采访中,中科院水利部研究员张信宝如此说,他同时指责汶川人想异地重建是"逃跑行为",因为"汶川安全得很"。

31、"别忘了你们是中国人"
--2008年8月,聂卫平置疑郎平等执教于外国运动队的中国籍教练。

32、"你奋斗了二十多年,参加了四届奥运会,而只获得了一枚铜牌,你觉得你有愧祖国吗"
----2008年8月京奥,央视记者采访获得50米手枪慢射铜牌的谭宗亮时,问道。

33、"(三聚氰胺)也不是一个毒性很高的物质,所以即使婴幼儿服用了三聚氰胺含量较低的奶粉,家长们也不用过于担心。"
--2008年9月17日,中国疾病控制中心营养与食品安全所研究员李宁说。此时全国至少已有3例死亡患儿和6244名诊断病例。

34、"曹局长主要还是想节约用钱,人事局花钱很紧张的,修房子等还有欠账。"
--2008年9月19日,四川剑阁县人事局局长曹正直酒后殴打63岁长者,事后其同事、人事局党支部委员、办公室主任袁术健如此解释。

35、"媒体公布的现场视频资料和公安机关掌握的现场视频资料是一致的,没有经过任何拼凑和剪辑。"
----2008年10月18日,在哈尔滨六警打死人的新闻发布会上,哈市公安局副局长卢洪喜说。一周后,警方却向外公布了完整版录像,比之先前多出11分钟录像。

36、"你们算个屁啊...你知道我是谁吗?我是北京交通部派下来的,级别和你们市长一样高,敢跟我斗!"。
-----2008年10月28日,深圳海事局党组书记、副局长林嘉祥欲将1名11岁女童拖进洗手间内猥亵,当女孩父母找其讲理时,林书记如是说。

37、"我们政府对食品的监管力度,绝对是全世界的第一!"
--2008年10月,中国工程院院士陈君石在凤凰世纪大讲堂上如是说。

38 "成品油价格与国际油价实时联动背后的潜台词是价格一步到位,与国际油价接轨。但中国是发展中国家,什么价格都与国际接轨,这不太现实。"
--2008年11月24日,在国际油价大幅下跌的背景下,国家发改委能源研究所所长韩文科如此说。但年初当国际油价大涨时,该专家曾表示:"目前我国的成品油价格形成机制...要进一步与国际市场接轨,加快价格的传导作用,进一步发挥市场对油品供需的调节。"

39、"我想你应该是一个成熟的成年人了吧?"
--2008年11月25日,有记者问外交部发言人秦刚对美国一张名为《中国民主》的音乐专辑的看法,秦如此反问记者。(FlyingMonkey 推荐)

40、"现在有不良的社会舆论导向,轻轻松松学语文,愉快学数学,这是从国外传过来的,…我们有我们自己教育的历史,有我们的文化传统,……而不是在快乐中学习,在快乐中获得成绩。任何改革不是把优良传统改革掉…"
��2008年11月10日,广东高考改革项目主持人李伟成说。

41、"为了让表演显得更加的真实,我们给一只训练有素、屡次立功的警犬,绑上了真实的炸弹;在镜头前,它奔跑着被炸成了碎片......多年来训练和培养该犬的那战士,看到如此真实的镜头后,哭得死去活来..."
--2008年5月,导演姚守岗在CCTV6"流金岁月"节目中说。

42、"因为舱门外的气压巨大,但只要打开了一点点,让舱内的气压逐渐提升,慢慢就能容易打开整个舱门。"
---2008年12月8日,航天英雄翟志在香港解释"为何他(在太空中)打开舱门时显得那么困难"时,如此说.

43 "你们将来受了处分,吊销了你们的记者证,你们不要后悔!"
---山西省太原市杏花岭区检察院检察长何书生对记者说.

43 "现在我们的人均寿命比30年前大大提高,60岁退休,活到90岁,吃30年养老保险,说不过去啊。"
――11月6日广州日报报道,经济学家、原社科院经济研究所所长赵人伟表示职工应该65岁后退休。 (zuozhi推荐)

44 当刘做到第三个俯卧撑的时候,听到李树芬大声说'我走了',便跳下河中……"
---2008年7月1日晚,贵州省省公安厅对"瓮安6.28严重打砸抢烧突发性事件新闻发布会"上的说明(北天\小哥推荐)

45 "公安机关依法打击一批,精神司法鉴定治疗一批,集中办班培训管教一批"。
----2008年新泰县政务网上的一篇官方文章,在总结"怎么依法处置信访工作"时这样写道。(黎明推荐)

46 可以考虑让市民每个月买20块钱的生态基金"。
----2008年11月,中科院院士蒋有绪呼吁政府开征呼吸税.(染香/章立凡推荐)

47  "省卫生厅干部殴打志愿者与事实不符,纯属谣言"。
―-2008年5月26日,四川省卫生厅厅长沈骥如此说.同日深夜,四川省卫生厅通报,已责成行凶者、该厅干部张建新作出检讨和深刻反省。当晚,张建新已写出了"检讨下午并致歉书"。(章立凡推荐)

48  "依靠党委和政府的帮助,自己家盖起了新房,生活也都有了保障。"
----2008年1月12日,HU总前往淮河蓄洪区视察,村民郑继超对HU总如此说.网上检索"郑继超"得知,这位农民大叔短短三个月内已经受到了省、市、县各级领导的五次慰问和两拨记者的采访,是名副其实的"慰安专业户"。 (章立凡推荐)

49  打开美国媒体完全找不到对1968年美国黑人暴动的辱骂;打开英国媒体也找不到对英国大革命的辱骂;打开法国媒体同样找不到对法国大革命和五月风暴的辱骂;唯独中国媒体30年来片刻不停地充斥着对文革的辱骂.
-----2008年12月,北大中文系副教授孔庆东说.(章立凡推荐)

50 "政府赔不少钱呢!"
――2008年元旦前一天,HU总视察某廉租房小区时承诺,党和政府会进一步帮助他们,低保户高会来闻讯激动地如此回答。HU总立即圆场说:"党和政府就是为人民服务的,为人民办事是我们应该做的!"(zuozhi推荐)

51  "对于开发商低于成本价销售楼盘,下一步将和物价部门一起对其进行查处,以防止烂尾楼的出现。"
-----2008年12月10日,南京市江宁区房产局局长周久耕说.(章立凡推荐)

2008年12月12日星期五

Charter 08

Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend "Charter 08" to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
 
I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China's first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China's signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.
By departing from these values, the Chinese government's approach to "modernization" has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with "modernization" under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called "the greatest changes in thousands of years" for China. A "self-strengthening movement" followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China's humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China's system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China's imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia's first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both "self-strengthening" and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a "cultural illness" was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of "science and democracy." Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The "new China" that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that "the people are sovereign" but in fact set up a system in which "the Party is all-powerful." The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958�1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966�1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens' rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.
During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of "Reform and Opening" gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of "rights" to a partial acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase "respect and protect human rights"; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a "national human rights action plan." Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.
The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society―the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas―becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.
 
II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:
Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.
Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China's recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime's disregard for human rights.
Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person―regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief―are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.
Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of "fairness in all under heaven." It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.
Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics: (1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. (2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make. (3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections. (4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly "of the people, by the people, and for the people."
Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.
III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an "enlightened overlord" or an "honest official" and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens' rights, and social development:
1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China's democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.
2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.
3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.
4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of "Reeducation through Labor" must be abolished.
7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on "one person, one vote." The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.
8. Rural�Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be "approved," should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.
10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.
11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to "the crime of incitement to subvert state power" must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.
12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens' rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.
14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government―central, provincial, county or local―are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China's own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens' movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.

2008年12月11日星期四

棹元:穿越一代人的中国政改

英国《金融时报》中文网特约撰稿人棹元 2008-12-12

姚遥坐在金台饭店底楼的茶坊,凝视着门外,对周围进出的人群熟视无睹。窗外,忙碌的车流正在平安大街不停的穿梭,黄昏就要降临了。而这正适宜他此刻的心情。在2008年11月7日的这个下午,他没去欣赏饭店的花圃,大堂的喷泉,还有爵士音乐。更没走到附近的南锣鼓巷,和那些快乐的年轻人一起痛饮狂欢。他只是在这个大堂吧静静的喝茶,一杯接着一杯。姚遥,这位哥伦比亚大学最年轻的访问学者,致力于推动公民社会发展的NGO人士,此刻正陷入沉思。
这一年,中国发生了诸多大事件:雪灾、西藏事件、奥运火炬传递、汶川地震等等。而正是这一系列事件,把这个国家的年轻一代迅速的拉到了前台。今年7 月底,《纽约客》用anger youth(愤青)概括了中国的年轻一代,把他们命名为新一代保守民族主义者。还有很多人给这一代贴上爱国主义、民粹主义、集体主义等等标签。甚至在有的学者眼中,年轻一代既像是中国义和团、红卫兵的衣钵传人,又像是德国纳粹、苏联青年近卫军的中国盟友。学者余世存曾这样描述改革年代成长起来的这一代人:他们多有自我中心意识,而少有人类意识;他们多有合群思想,而少有个性思想;他们多有势利心理,而少有同情心理;他们多有丛林意识,而少有社会意识。
无论外在有着怎样的评价,可以肯定的是,姚遥总在上述范畴之外。他是一个非典型的80后。
在很多年轻人奔向酒吧的时候,姚遥正和朋友谈起变动中的社会,变动中的国家。话题的主旨只有一个:命运。他要成为什么样的人?这个国家将向着何处去?
30年来,这样的问题在中国不止一次被提出,从高墙深宅到大学课堂。

在中国的30年改革历程上,有两波较为明显的政治体制改革尝试。一次就是上世纪70年代末80年代初,以邓小平1980年8月在中央政治局扩大会议上所作的《党和国家领导制度的改革》为标志,改变了一些毛泽东时代的政治生活规则;而另一次则是1986到1987年间,尤以十三大报告提出政治体制改革的具体措施为标志。
1987年开局就很不一般。在元旦,一件让很多人震惊的突然事变发生,那就是时任中共中央总书记的胡耀邦递交辞呈。当天人民日报的元旦献词是《坚持四项基本原则是搞好改革、开放的根本保证》。早在1986年6月,十二届六中全会召开之前,为了促成领导层的年轻化,中央高层已经在酝酿十三大的人事变动。十三大将有两个报告,一个是胡耀邦负责报告十二大以来的党的工作,一个是赵紫阳负责讲十三大将通过的关于今后改革和发展的问题,但胡耀邦还没来得及做这个报告就离开了总书记的岗位,赵紫阳在10月25日做了《沿着有中国特色的社会主义道路前�》的报告,这份报告在历届的党代会报告中显得尤其令人瞩目。在报告做完的5年后,邓小平还强调"一个字也不能改"。而这份不能改的报告有一个最大的特点,那就是用了1/4的篇幅,集中论述了政治体制改革。在最新一期的南方周末上,有文章专门分析了中共十一大到十七大报告的词汇变迁。而十三大报告里史无前例的130次提及"改革",并首次提及"差额选举"、"舆论监督"和"民主政治"。
今年第5期的《炎黄春秋》有一篇文章,题目是《中国需要提倡宽容的文化精神》,作者是曾在80年代担任中宣部部长的朱厚泽。看到这篇文章的标题,自然容易想起那个令无数人怀念的"朱三宽年代"。1986年,时任中宣部部长的朱厚泽在胡耀邦"逐步放开一点"的精神指导下,提出了意识形态管理"要宽松、宽容、宽厚"的"三宽"政策,突破了中宣部的意识形态管理传统,给中国大陆意识形态管理带来了清新的空气。很多人把这一时期叫做"朱三宽年代"。在 1986年深秋的北京,红叶飘落,弥漫着一股改革的气息。北方,苏联老大哥提出了"公开化",正在戈尔巴乔夫的领导下实行政治开放;南方,领导台湾的国民党也开启了开放党禁、报禁的政治自由之路。包括中共党内高层的很多人意识到,中国的经济改革进行到一个瓶颈,只进行经济改革不进行政治改革,犹如走路,一脚超前一脚落后,容易跌倒。在整个国家处在一道狭窄的坎上,邓小平重提被视为禁区的政治改革。

1986年,北京的冬天格外的寒冷,新年前天安门广场竟是一片冰封,但中国共产党高层对政治改革的议论却一步步热了起来。在中南海里面,两种意见在互相交流和摇摆,一边是"反对资产阶级自由化",一边是推进改革开放的深入。而在中南海外,社会涌动着改革的呼声。在1986年12月9日,中国科技大学的学生要选举,四千多名学生走上了合肥街头,喊出了"要民主、要自由、要人权"的口号。而学潮蔓延至上海、南京、武汉、北京等城市。在当时意见交锋和社会呼吁的背景下,邓小平在1980年《关于党和国家领导制度改革》的讲话作为党的学习文件重新发表,这预示着十三大的基调将是推动改革。
那一年从夏天到冬天,邓小平很密集的讲话,要求政治体制改革。他说到"现在经济体制改革每前进一步,都深深感到政治体制改革的必要性。不改革政治体制,就不能保障经济体制改革的成果,不能使经济体制改革继续前进,就会阻碍生产力的发展……我们首先要确定政治体制改革的范围,弄清从那里着手。要先从一两件事上着手,不能一下子大干,那样就乱了。"
1986年9月,中共中央政治局常委决定,由时任国务院总理的赵紫阳主持制定政治改革方案。由赵紫阳、胡启立、田纪云、薄一波、彭冲五人组成中央政治体制改革研讨小组。在研讨小组下设政治体制改革研究室,习惯称为"政改室"。这个政研室,就是去设置政治改革的具体措施和路径的。
而姚遥此刻呆着的这家金台宾馆,前身叫厂桥招待所。昔日的招待所,破旧,只有三层。但就是在这个破旧的招待所里,政研室的年轻人却起草了十三大报告的政治体制改革部分。政研室二三十人,多是一些30多岁的年轻人,在1986年那个红叶飘落的深秋,受命在此研究中国的政治体制改革。最终拿出的《关于政治体制改革的总体设想》,先后成立了七个专题研讨小组,即党政分开;党内民主与党的组织;权力下放与机构改革;干部和人事制度改革;社会主义民主;社会主义法制和改革的基本原则研讨小组。经过总体研讨、专题研究和政策决策三个阶段,研讨小组提出了一系列的具体政改措施。而这些政改措施得到邓小平的肯定,并写进了十三大报告。
中国科技大学的学生走上街头,很多原因在于他们要选举。赵紫阳曾表达过主要的原因,是因为国家的选举制度不像话。当青年学生满十八岁,第一次行使选举权利的时候,发现根本就是没有选举。但是这样的情况,在十三大却得到了很大改观。十三大上第一次实现了中央委员会委员的差额选举,在2千多票中,邓力群得了1600多票,原本已经内定要做政治局委员的他遭遇落选。
邓力群晚年写了一本书,叫《邓力群自述:十二个春秋》。在记述1986、1987两年时,用的标题分别是:不寻常的1986年,1987年的风浪。在这两节,他记述了自己在1987年的落选。而除了十三大的高层差额选举引人瞩目外,社会基层萌动的选举意识也让人耳目一新。
在1987年,姚遥的父亲姚立法还是湖北潜江县教育局的一名年轻职员。29岁的他被几个年轻教员推荐为人大代表初步候选人,他觉得刺激、好玩。在第一次参加人大代表的选举中,独立候选人姚立法得了30多票。而没有想到的是,这一次新鲜的尝试却开启了姚立法的人大代表之路。
时间往上追溯9年,在1978年刚改革开放时,姚立法还只是潜江师范学院的一名中专生。那一年冬天,他和同学们被通知到大操场排队投票。听老师交代投票。而那一次的选举,正是1979年《选举法》颁发之前的一次试点选举,潜江正是全国的试点之一。自从1979年《选举法》颁布之后,中华人民共和国公民开始有了明确的公民身份象征。
自从1987年首次参选后,姚立法此后的20年都走在了选举的路上。1993年10月,全国对吃财政饭的机关行政人员实行统一工资套改。望眼欲穿的潜江教职员工一直没能拿到自己该得的那份每月130元补贴。屋漏偏逢连夜雨,1993年出现严重通货膨胀,居民消费物价上涨18.8%。大家内心愤愤不平。开始寄希望于选举一个敢作敢当的人大代表,目光投向了姚立法。但姚立法还是没有成为正式候选人,尽管如此,姚立法依然得到598张选票,这是他第三次竞选人大代表落选。
竞选失利后,姚立法遭遇了前所未有的生计问题。单位不再分配任何实际工作,曾有一年多时间,没有领到一分钱工资;原先已交了集资费的房子,竟不肯分配给他;职称14年没有晋升。麻烦远不止这些。1994年,潜江市教育局勤工俭学办公室的领导塞给姚立法一张调令,要把他从勤工俭学办公室"下调"到潜江市实验小学教书,却又被实验小学拒之门外。最终他被"停薪留职",靠着送液化气罐维持生计。1998年对于潜江市委市政府而言,是个危机,但对于姚立法来说,这是他竞选人大代表的转机。

潜江市的老师们的工资补贴,自始至终一分钱也没有拿到。在他们沉默了五年之后,积蓄已久的愤怒终于爆发。对于现实的强烈不满,在老师们几近绝望的情绪中,姚立法开始给选举发布誓词,到学校动员学生投票。1998年11月28日上午,独立候选人姚立法得票1706票,票数过半,远超正式候选人,成为共和国最早一批自荐竞选成功的人大代表之一。后来涌现了好些独立候选人,很多媒体开始把目光投注到姚立法的身上。《法制日报》这样评价到,"独立候选人"的当选提供了实践层面的改革思路。而姚遥也在大学期间参选北京海淀区人大代表,父子两以独立候选人身份上演了人大代表选举历史上一出传奇。
除了高层的差额选举和基层的选举萌动之外,1980年代,中国上下多有互动,呈现出一片上下齐心的改革局面。

自从十三大报告将改革的声势鼓捣起来,中国社会开始前所未有的活跃,所有人都在期待着改革的更大步突破。那时没有股票,没有房地产市场,没有下岗,大家涌动着一个激动人心的前景。他们谈论的是"民主化"、"透明度"……谈论改革进程种种不能遮掩的难题。而高层也确实在开始慢慢兑现加快改革的诺言。新的口号是"价格改革闯关"、"长痛不如短痛"。
但事情的变化总是超出常人的预期。还没等到1988年那个冬天结束,调子又开始变了。官员们不再说"闯关",而是说"整顿";不再说"攻坚",而是说"稳定"。政策进退逆转,局面左右摇摆。
1989年的元旦,细雨夹杂着小雪弥漫在北京城。赵紫阳的元旦献词也少有喜庆之象,题目就是《同心同德、艰苦奋斗》。整篇文章用语低沉,"正面的、反面的,积极的、消极的,欢快的、沉重的东西,都不可避免地会继续",献词指出:"我们面临的任务是巨大而繁重的"。就在这篇献词发表半年后,赵紫阳下台了。他所极力倡导的政治体制改革遭到了前所未有的重创。随着赵紫阳的下台,他一手组建的政研室解散。因为时势所需,一批年轻人聚在了一起,厂桥,而还是时局所致,他们最终又各奔东西。20年之后,一位靠近当时的决策层人士表示,赵紫阳是一个在体制内孤独的奋斗者,当时整个社会的健康力量还没有给予高层大改革提供强有力支撑。
尽管赵紫阳退出了决策中心,但邓小平在南方谈话时依然强调,十三大报告一字都不能改。而在随后的党代会报告中,也或多或少的延续了十三大报告的脉象。在十三大报告里有这样一段话,"现代科学技术和现代化管理是提高经济效益的决定性因素,是使我国经济走向新的成长阶段的主要支柱。必须清醒地认识到,技术落后,管理落后,靠消耗大量资源来发展经济,是没有出路的",20年之后,相似的精神浓缩为"科学发展观"五个字,写进入了十七大报告和党章。而十七大也鲜明的强调了,改革绝不动摇。
值得注意的是,十七大报告中着重还谈了社会。在历届的党代会报告中,十七大报告是对社会组织阐述得最多的一次。而与报告相对应的则是,改革30年来中国的社会结构发生了较大变迁。在藏富于民的大趋势下,国家不断的从社会退出,社会的积极力量不断壮大。而在互联网的支持下,话语结构也开始松动,从之前的一元话语,开始涌现大量的公民话语。

在一个月前,一个名叫白乌鸦的博客写了一篇零散的文字。白乌鸦大概是一名在校的年轻人,文字内容追忆了80年代中国的血红夕阳。在1987年,有一套名叫《走向未来》的丛书,除此之外还有《现代西方学术文库》、《新知文库》等丛书。在1986年12月10日,中国的知识分子报刊《光明日报》上刊登了丛书目录,囊括了大量西方的伟大名字。而中国现任副总理王岐山曾是未来丛书当年的编委。其他很多顾问和编委,对于今天的绝大多数年轻人来说,都只是代表一个陌生的名字。而在当年,他们确实因为共同的理想聚集在了一起,又因为各种原因而分道扬镳。在那篇博客里,那位年轻人表示"我活在它们的结果之中"。和这位年轻人一样,有少数的80一代是吸收着80年代思想养分成长的。
但80这一代,中学时传阅最多的还是《读者》,只有极个别的学生阅读的是《读书》。《读书》与《读者》,一字之差,阅读的旨趣也带来了这一代人随后的分化。而当时间移动到2008年,奥运火炬传递、汶川地震、奥运会等大事件把这一代人推到了前台。不管他们是否做好了准备,世界的灯光已经开始打在了他们的身上。在汶川大地震之后,几十万80后奔向灾区。有人称,他们在大悲大难之上巍然站立,完成了这一代人的成人礼。
当下弥漫全球的金融危机很容易让人想起近80年前那一场金融危机,1929年10月24日的大崩盘。其时很多年轻人毕业找不到工作,社会沉浸在低迷的气息之中,经济大恐慌四处蔓延。而今天的中国年轻人大多是独生子女,毕业就面对类似的严峻现实,一部分嫉世愤俗诉诸于不满情绪,一部分则靠着犬儒哲学自我安慰。也正因此,也有人把他们命名为最不知责任为何物的一代,称之为享乐主义者的天然传人。有人忧伤惆怅左右奔突,有人满怀信念阔步向前;有人彷徨辛酸躲进小院,有人沉静思索走向未来。这一代人的分化如此多元,而在这一片光怪陆离的世相背后,总有人在建筑"一道抵御混乱状态的大墙"。而这道大墙将构成中国深入改革,尤其是政治体制改革坚固的社会基础。
聊起前行者的故事和同龄人的现状,姚遥脸上毫无表情。大概这一切都没有超出他的想象。他是一个判断力和行动力都堪称出众的人。早在其中学时代,他就爱阅读国外长篇和中篇小说。他一次次沉没在想象的叙事里,但现实却又让他产生了另外的冲动,这种冲动促使他长久以来对现实的介入。他在《中国改革》参与过三农调研、在守望家园关注过环保问题、在公盟提供过法律咨询、在自然之友担任过法律协调人、在惠黎基金会担任过项目官员。在这些事务间歇,他还去东欧考察转型国家的诸多命题。
在一代人中间,总是需要有极少数穿越这一代人的墓地去思考和行动。姚遥和他的朋友们会否成为这样的极少数,未来或会证明。